From two graduates of the Suffolk University PhD program in Economics I had the pleasure of knowing and working with over the years. Here's Ryan Murphy and Colin O'Reilly's new paper.
And the IMF Said, Let There Be Data, and There Was Data: Private Capital Stocks in the Eastern Bloc
Abstract
The International Monetary Fund has recently published a dataset on public and private capital stocks for 170 countries from 1960–2015 using the perpetual inventory methodology. Following a reckless assumption, opaquely imposed, the dataset likely overstates levels of private investment as a percentage of total investment in former Eastern bloc countries, and thereby likely overstates their private capital stocks. This comment explores the nature and implications of the assumption, and suggests that, in light of the problem, the scope of the IMF project be significantly diminished to address the issue.
Read more here (PDF).
Hat tip to MarginalRevolution.com.
Showing posts with label Capital. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Capital. Show all posts
Tuesday, October 2, 2018
Saturday, July 29, 2017
Comment on the BEA report on Massachusetts GDP state
OVERVIEW
- Real gross domestic product (GDP) state increased in 43 states and the District of Columbia where real gross domestic product (GDP) increased in the first quarter of 2017, according to statistics on the geographic breakout of GDP released by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.
- The Massachusetts economy grew by 1.1 percent in the first quarter of 2017. This was slightly below the 1.2 national average.
- The growth rate was slower than the annual rate for 2016 which posted at 2.0 percent but was an improvement over the first quarter of 2016 which contracted by 2.0.
- Real GDP by state growth in the first quarter ranged from 3.9 percent in Texas to -4.0 percent in Nebraska. See Chart 1 from the BEA.
- As a region, the six states of New England only grew by 0.9 percent. The Southwest — Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma — grew the largest for Qtr1-2017 at 3.3 percent nearly three times the adjusted-for-state comparison U.S. rate of 1.2 percent.
- The current dollar size of the Massachusetts GDP by State is $519.9 billion.
ANALYSIS
GDP-State is the market value of goods and services produced by labor and property (or capital) in a state. The sum of GDP for all states released this week (1.2 percent for Qtr1-2017) differs from the national GDP number (1.2 percent)* since outputs like military and overseas activity can’t be attributed to any one state. The Massachusetts economy comprises 2.7 percent of the total U.S. economy according to the BEA update. New England, as a region comprises one of the smallest at 5.4 percent outpacing the Rocky Mountain states which accounts for 3.4 of the national total.
Real Estate and Rental and Leasing, Mining and Durable Goods Manufacturing were the leading contributors nationally. In Massachusetts, the leading contributions to the percent change were: Real Estate and Rental and Leasing, Construction, Health Care and Social assistance, Durable-goods Manufacturing, Wholesale Trade, Nondurable-goods Manufacturing, and Administrative and Waste Management Services. (See Table 1 p. 2.)
Massachusetts ranked 25th in growth during the first quarter. How did Massachusetts rank in this latest BEA report compared with its high-technology competitors? The state of Washington grew by 2.7 percent, Virginia by 2.0 percent while the Utah economy grew by 1.9 percent. Meanwhile, California slowed to 0.1 percent, Colorado by 0.4 percent; North Carolina grew by 0.7 percent as Minnesota contracted by 0.3 percent.
*Revised figure from 7/28 GDP press release; The originally reported figure was 1.4 percent.
Thursday, June 1, 2017
Increased consumption for most families despite growth in income inequality
Income inequality has been increasing but so has consumption according to a working paper by Bruce Sacerdote of Dartmouth College.
Extract:
Despite the large increase in U.S. income inequality, consumption for families at the 25th and 50th percentiles of income has grown steadily over the time period 1960-2015. The number of cars per household with below median income has doubled since 1980 and the number of bedrooms per household has grown 10 percent despite decreases in household size. The finding of zero growth in American real wages since the 1970s is driven in part by the choice of the CPI-U as the price deflator (Broda and Weinstein 2008). Small biases in any price deflator compound over long periods of time. Using a different deflator such as the Personal Consumption Expenditures index (PCE) yields modest growth in real wages and in median household incomes throughout the time period. Accounting for the Hamilton (1998) and Costa (2001) estimates of CPI bias yields estimated wage growth of 1 percent per year during 1975-2015. Meaningful growth in consumption for below median income families has occurred even in a prolonged period of increasing income inequality, increasing consumption inequality and a decreasing share of national income accruing to labor.
Link: Fifty Years Of Growth In American Consumption, Income, And Wages - 61497-w23292.pdf
Extract:
Despite the large increase in U.S. income inequality, consumption for families at the 25th and 50th percentiles of income has grown steadily over the time period 1960-2015. The number of cars per household with below median income has doubled since 1980 and the number of bedrooms per household has grown 10 percent despite decreases in household size. The finding of zero growth in American real wages since the 1970s is driven in part by the choice of the CPI-U as the price deflator (Broda and Weinstein 2008). Small biases in any price deflator compound over long periods of time. Using a different deflator such as the Personal Consumption Expenditures index (PCE) yields modest growth in real wages and in median household incomes throughout the time period. Accounting for the Hamilton (1998) and Costa (2001) estimates of CPI bias yields estimated wage growth of 1 percent per year during 1975-2015. Meaningful growth in consumption for below median income families has occurred even in a prolonged period of increasing income inequality, increasing consumption inequality and a decreasing share of national income accruing to labor.
Link: Fifty Years Of Growth In American Consumption, Income, And Wages - 61497-w23292.pdf
Friday, April 21, 2017
A look at the City of Boston's capital spending plan for FY2018-FY2022
Titled, "Ambitious City Projects Benefiting from Building Boom in Boston," https://shar.es/1F3Fbr, the article examines the good luck Boston's enjoying as a result of the building boom.
Monday, April 10, 2017
The debate on what to do about income inequality intensifies
Or, is the debate shifting to one about semantics?
From Fatih Guvenen and Greg Kaplan in a new NBER paper.
From Fatih Guvenen and Greg Kaplan in a new NBER paper.
We revisit recent empirical evidence about the rise in top income inequality in the United States, drawing attention to four key issues that we believe are critical for an informed discussion about changing inequality since 1980. Our goal is to inform researchers, policy makers, and journalists who are interested in top income inequality. Our analysis is based on a reexamination of publicly available detailed statistics from two administrative data sources: (i) Internal Revenue Service (IRS) data on total incomes (labor income plus capital income), reported in Saez (2012), and (ii) individual-level micro data on labor income (wage plus self-employment income) from the U.S. Social Security Administration (SSA) reported in Guvenen et al. (2014).One key take-away:
Put simply, so far in the 21st century, all the action in top income shares has been S-corporation income at very, very high income levels.
National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 23321.
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